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FOUCAULT. Vigiar e Punir - Download as PDF File .pdf) or view presentation slides online. FOUCAULT. Vigiar e Punir. Colóquio Internacional 40 anos de Vigiar e Punir de Michel Foucault: “A visibilidade é uma PDF programme Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne Colloque. The question of subject in These are free individuals trying to control, self or the other that not only . Vigiar e punir (R. Ramalhete, trad.).

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Methodology of power analysis in Michel Foucault's Rayane Marinho Rosa .. Vigiar e punir, Vozes, Petrópolis, (Discipline & Punish: The. Vigiar E Punir Michel Foucault Download Pdf > Free download or read online Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison pdf (ePUB) book. 15 nov. By submitting your contact information, you consent to receive communication from Prezi containing information on Prezi's products. You can.

That would mean abandoning traditional representations of power. His purpose, therefore, is to construct an analytic of power that concentrates neither on the law nor on its capacity for interdiction.

These are not the only forms of exercising power, not even the most important ones, one must go beyond the classical model of sovereignty. On the other hand, the Marxist answer also did not prove sufficient to subsidize an analytic that could understand this multiple object that is power.

He would question precisely how this Marxism understood power always in a secondary position in relation to the economy.

To the extent that, in this perspective, the role of power would be to maintain relations of production and class domination, and its only historical reason for existence would be economy itself. However, Foucault understood that even though power relations are extremely linked to economic relations, it would not be possible to defend the existence of a direct and unequivocal subordination of power to the economy, not even that all power relations are based on economic relations.

Not all power comes from economics and not all domination is of class. Hence, the analytic of Foucauldian power could not depend neither on the structure of traditional theories of power nor on the Marxist criticism.

He would thus initiate the development of his own methodology, which would be better suited to the understanding of this microphysics of power.

Power Analysis Methodology In an interview given in , Foucault makes clear his view of the method. He claims: On the contrary, I would say that it is the same field of objects, a domain of objects that I seek to isolate, using instruments found or forged by me, at the exact moment I do my research, but without privileging the problem of method in any way.

In this sense too, I am by no means some structuralist. Since the structuralists of the s and s were essentially aimed at defining a method that would be universally valid for a whole series of different objects: This is not absolutely my problem: I try to make this kind of layer, I would say this interface, as modern technicians say, the interface of knowledge and power, truth and power.

Foucault did not propose a research methodology so he could, from there, investigate its object. His method of analyzing power emerged, between comings and goings, from the ramifications of his researches that revolved around Discipline and Punish. In this work he sought to make a genealogy of modern punitive power, especially the figure of the prison sentence, which had taken the place of torture as a general form of punishment, the main type of punishment of criminal law.

It turns out that the research ended up demonstrating that the prison sentence was not a specialized structure within a branch of the law, but part of a new power technology that was consolidated in modern societies and that Foucault would call disciplinary power.

In this way, prison was inscribed in a broader framework of institutions aimed at the normalization of individuals, the creation of docile bodies, and which therefore acted no longer on the body, as was the case with medieval tortures, but on the soul of those subjected to their networks of power.

In short, the research that began having as one of the main objects the prison sentence, now realized to be impossible to understand it disconnected from all other existing mechanisms of power, even outside the scope of criminal justice.

Therefore, using Deleuze's words Or perhaps, lined up with what he said in the passage that opens this topic, the needs of his object made it necessary to forge new instruments of analysis. After all, it was not possible to account for this new conception of power by using the tools offered by traditional theories, even those elaborated after the decline of feudalism - whether it was contractualism or Marxist criticism.

For this reason, in the face of the fact that his instruments of analysis were being constructed as he deepened his research on power, Foucault did not come to systematize a definitive method for this.

However, at different moments in his work he alerted us to what he would sometimes treat as prescriptions of prudence, sometimes as questions of method, or as methodological postulates of analysis of power. The main texts in which the author constructs, reinforces and lapidates some methodological indications that become essential for the construction of an analytic of power are: So, although it has never seemed to be the intention of the author to systematically list them, this research covered the work of Foucault with the objective of recovering and systematizing these main precautions of method exposed by him as fundamental to proceed to an analytical of the power.

From this work, nine postulates were found some with derived propositions more recurrent in his texts about the power, which we will list next: Although there is an instance that applies them, this does not mean that they result from a rational choice or decision of a subject, or from a government or an economic elite.

In short, power transits through individuals, it traverses them, and thus, depending on the relation that is established, people may be in a position to be submitted to that power, but also in position to exercise it FOUCAULT, An important proposition deriving from this postulate is that power is not owned by a class or by anyone. It is a strategy and its effects are attributed to maneuvers, tactics, techniques, operations.

This does not mean there is a denial of the existence of classes and their struggles, but there is an extension of this perspective to a scenario in which it is possible to perceive that amongst great conflicts there are innumerable points of confrontation, struggle, and possibility, at least transitory, of inversion of the forces game.

Power must be analyzed precisely where it becomes capillary, at its extremities, where, going beyond rules, it consolidates itself in techniques, it is invested in institutions and provides instruments for material intervention - even violent ones Foucault, In fact, as Foucault did in Discipline and Punish , it is not a matter of seeking to establish the grounds of the power to punish, where its legitimacy comes from, but to perceive how punishment is consolidated in a set of local and material institutions, and how it is exercised in all its expression.

A Critical Approach to Equity

In his words: I think we have to analyze the way in which the phenomena, techniques, and procedures of power come into play at the lowest levels; we have to show, obviously, how these procedures are displaced, extended, and modified and, above all, how they are invested or annexed by global phenomena, and how more general powers or economic benefits can slip into the play of these technologies of power, which are at once relatively autonomous and infinitesimal FOUCAULT, By that, the author is clearly trying to avoid the Marxist hypothesis that it would be possible to deduce all relations of power from the general phenomenon of domination of the bourgeois class.

For him, the key would be to think how, historically and from below, the mechanisms of repression, exclusion, punishment, of power in general, became, in a given moment, in a precise conjuncture, politically useful or economically profitable and, therefore, absorbed or incorporated by a particular political group or social class. Therefore, 4. These relations can be established according to the utility or profit that certain mechanisms of power may represent, without, however, having a prior subordination or connection between one and the other.

Michel Foucault - Vigiar e Punir

DELEUZE, 5 The power is exercised from the formation of knowledge devices One of the crucial elements for the analytic of power is the fact that it is directly connected to the truth.

Multiple relations of power permeate, cross, constitute the social body, but are not capable of dissociating from or functioning without a formation and circulation of truthful discourse.

However, Foucault insists that the relations between truth and power cannot be confused with an ideological dimension, or rather with the power being exercised by the ruling class through ideology.

For the author, the ideology is always in opposition to something that would be the truth, it hides the truth.

That means to say there is somewhere an absolute, transcendental truth that we can unmask as soon as we overcome the ideological processes, something that Foucault profoundly disagrees with.

In this way, power is not exercised through ideology, insofar as it does not abstract or conceals truth, but it produces truth and is sustained by it FOUCAULT, This means there is no way to separate power relations from other relationships, such as production or family relationships.

The mechanisms of power are the intrinsic part of all these relationships, they are concomitantly their effect and their cause. For this reason, for example, there are no relations of power plus production relations, just as there are no production relations without power relations DELEUZE, Power relations are not in a position of exteriority with respect to other kinds of relationships, but they are immanent to them.

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Power relations are plural, multiple, and scattered throughout social relations. In this sense it is wrong, for example, to think of power as located only in the state apparatus, just as it is wrong to think that private powers are or are influenced by the power of the state.

However, this does not mean that there are no power relations that occur from the state or within certain global strategies. Although power is diffuse, according to Foucault, double conditioning prevails over it: An important feature of power relations is that resistance points exist throughout their network, and the very functioning of power involves the production of resistance FOUCAULT, It should be clear, however, that this does not mean that resistances are a byproduct of power relations, something like a passive reverse bound to infinite defeat and submission.

They present themselves as the other power, their irreducible interlocutor, always present and, therefore, interior to the relations of power.

Therefore, the mechanisms of power must always be understood from this correlation of forces between powers-resistances. There is no discourse of power, on the one hand, and a counter discourse, on the other. For this reason, a single discourse, with the same form, can serve different even opposing strategies, without this homogeneity being verified. That is, the same discourse can both support processes of production of truth, as it can be, on the contrary, a critical instrument within this tactical polyvalence.

At most, it perceives some key points, some force lines, some locks and blocks within the real force fields of the power dynamics, that is, the points at which the struggle may be most tactically effective.

In this way, following the nine assumptions listed from the Foucauldian works on power, the aim was to outline his investigative tools that were being constructed insofar as he focused on the research of an analytic of power. By moving away from the traditional representations of power, Foucault made possible the development of a methodology that was deeply innovative.

If the torture failed to elicit a confession then the investigation was stopped and innocence assumed. A confession legitimized the investigation and any torture that occurred.

Reflecting the violence of the original crime onto the convict's body for all to see, in order for it to be manifested then annulled by reciprocating the violence of the crime on the criminal.

Enacting the revenge upon the convict's body, which the monarch seeks for having been injured by the crime. Foucault argues that the law was considered an extension of the sovereign's body, and so the revenge must take the form of harming the convict's body.

It also made the body of the condemned man the place where the vengeance of the sovereign was applied, the anchoring point for a manifestation of power, an opportunity of affirming the dissymmetry of forces. Crime and rebellion are akin to a declaration of war.

The sovereign was not concerned with demonstrating the ground for the enforcement of its laws, but of identifying enemies and attacking them, the power of which was renewed by the ritual of investigation and the ceremony of public torture. Redistributing blame: the executioner rather than the convict becomes the locus of shame. Creating a site of conflict between the masses and the sovereign at the convict's body.

Foucault notes that public executions often led to riots in support of the prisoner. Frustration for the inefficiency of this economy of power could be directed towards and coalesce around the site of torture and execution. Public torture and execution was a method the sovereign deployed to express his or her power, and it did so through the ritual of investigation and the ceremony of execution—the reality and horror of which was supposed to express the omnipotence of the sovereign but actually revealed that the sovereign's power depended on the participation of the people.

Torture was made public in order to create fear in the people, and to force them to participate in the method of control by agreeing with its verdicts.

But problems arose in cases in which the people through their actions disagreed with the sovereign, by heroizing the victim admiring the courage in facing death or in moving to physically free the criminal or to redistribute the effects of the strategically deployed power. Thus, he argues, the public execution was ultimately an ineffective use of the body, qualified as non-economical.

As well, it was applied non-uniformly and haphazardly. Hence, its political cost was too high. It was the antithesis of the more modern concerns of the state: order and generalization.

So it had to be reformed to allow for greater stability of property for the bourgeoisie. Punishment[ edit ] Firstly, the switch to prison was not immediate and sudden. There was a more graded change, though it ran its course rapidly. Prison was preceded by a different form of public spectacle. The theater of public torture gave way to public chain gangs.

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Punishment became "gentle", though not for humanitarian reasons, Foucault suggests. He argues that reformists were unhappy with the unpredictable, unevenly distributed nature of the violence the sovereign would inflict on the convict. The sovereign's right to punish was so disproportionate that it was ineffective and uncontrolled.

Reformists felt the power to punish and judge should become more evenly distributed, the state's power must be a form of public power. This, according to Foucault, was of more concern to reformists than humanitarian arguments.

Out of this movement towards generalized punishment, a thousand "mini-theatres" of punishment would have been created wherein the convicts' bodies would have been put on display in a more ubiquitous, controlled, and effective spectacle. Prisoners would have been forced to do work that reflected their crime, thus repaying society for their infractions.

This would have allowed the public to see the convicts' bodies enacting their punishment, and thus to reflect on the crime. But these experiments lasted less than twenty years. Foucault argues that this theory of "gentle" punishment represented the first step away from the excessive force of the sovereign, and towards more generalized and controlled means of punishment.

But he suggests that the shift towards prison that followed was the result of a new "technology" and ontology for the body being developed in the 18th century, the "technology" of discipline, and the ontology of "man as machine.

He looks at the development of highly refined forms of discipline, of discipline concerned with the smallest and most precise aspects of a person's body. Discipline, he suggests, developed a new economy and politics for bodies.

Modern institutions required that bodies must be individuated according to their tasks, as well as for training, observation, and control. Therefore, he argues, discipline created a whole new form of individuality for bodies, which enabled them to perform their duty within the new forms of economic, political, and military organizations emerging in the modern age and continuing to today.

The individuality that discipline constructs for the bodies it controls has four characteristics, namely it makes individuality which is: Cellular—determining the spatial distribution of the bodies Organic—ensuring that the activities required of the bodies are "natural" for them Genetic—controlling the evolution over time of the activities of the bodies Combinatory—allowing for the combination of the force of many bodies into a single massive force Foucault suggests this individuality can be implemented in systems that are officially egalitarian , but use discipline to construct non-egalitarian power relations: Historically, the process by which the bourgeoisie became in the course of the eighteenth century the politically dominant class was masked by the establishment of an explicit, coded and formally egalitarian juridical framework, made possible by the organization of a parliamentary, representative regime.

Vigiar e Punir – Michel Foucault

But the development and generalization of disciplinary mechanisms constituted the other, dark side of these processes.

The general juridical form that guaranteed a system of rights that were egalitarian in principle was supported by these tiny, everyday, physical mechanisms, by all those systems of micro-power that are essentially non-egalitarian and asymmetrical that we call the disciplines.

But, to construct docile bodies the disciplinary institutions must be able to a constantly observe and record the bodies they control and b ensure the internalization of the disciplinary individuality within the bodies being controlled. That is, discipline must come about without excessive force through careful observation, and molding of the bodies into the correct form through this observation.Childhood Brasil. When you write The objective of this article is to highlight a books like these, you want very much to change problem in the question of the subject in the works what you think entirely and to find yourself at the of Michel Foucault, from a division that became end of it quite different from what you were at the conventional being corroborated by the author himself, beginning.

Redistributing blame: the executioner rather than the convict becomes the locus of shame.

Therefore, based on these findings and their complexity, the urgent need to break cultural barriers and pre-judgments of a possible association of domestic violence against children and adolescents with low levels of education and blacks is underscored.

Introduction This article has as main objective to identify the conceptual and methodological bases from which Michel Foucault constructs his analytic of power. Power and truth are related as autonomous institutions: Sun Mar 24, 8: To show the effect of investigation on confession.

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